December Issue
By Colette Yamashita Holcomb
January
Plagued by famine, economic collapse, and natural disasters, the increasingly destabilized Yemen has everything to lose through involvement in the war in Gaza. Yet, Yemeni resistance groups have emerged as some of the strongest oppositions to Israel. In particular, Houthi fighters have attacked ships in the Red Sea, forcing some of the world’s most prominent shipping and oil companies to suspend transit through the crucial maritime trade routes. The United States and other allies, including Britain, have been the primary responders to the attacks, carrying out missile strikes on Houthi targets inside Yemen. So far, the U.S. and Britain have bombed more than 60 targets in 28 locations.
This precarious situation raises several questions regarding the Houthi role in the Israel-Gaza war, the global response, and what it may mean for the future of Yemen. This article tells you the key answers to these questions.
Who are the Houthis?
The Houthis — who also refer to themselves as Ansarullah, or “Party of God” — are an Islamist political and military organization based in the Zaydi form of Shiism. They emerged from Yemen in 1990 and have expanded beyond their Zaydi roots to a broader movement against the central government, aiming to govern Yemen in its entirety. U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken stated on Jan 17. 2024, that, beginning in mid-February, the U.S. will consider the Houthis a “specially designated global terrorist” group if they fail to halt their attacks. This shift signifies that they will be blocking its access to the global financial system, among other penalties.
In 2014, Houthi fighters swept into the capital of Sana'a to further pressure the already weakened government until Yemen’s president, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, resigned in January 2015. The Houthis declared themselves in control of the government and would seize power over much of north Yemen by 2016. Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia after his resignation but maintained he was still in office. Upon the deposed president’s request, Saudi Arabia launched a war against the Houthis in March 2015. A ceasefire was finally signed in 2022, lapsing after only six months, but there has still not been a return to full-scale conflict. Since the ceasefire, the Houthis have consolidated their control over most of northern Yemen and even sought a deal with Saudi Arabia to end the war and cement their role as the country’s rulers. Notably, Hadi also transferred his powers to a newly formed Presidential Leadership Council led by Rashad al-Alimi. Sources in both Saudi and Yemeni governments alleged that Saudis forced this decision.
Houthi Interests in Gaza
Since the escalation of the Gaza war in October, Houthis have fired weapons on commercial ships heading to and from the Suez Canal. Initially threatening to attack any vessel departing to or returning from Israel, their targets have escalated to any vessel. According to Houthi officials, their attacks on commercial and military ships intend to pressure Israel and its allies to end the war in Gaza. Yahya Sarea, a spokesperson for the group, referenced this goal in a statement made on a military operation that targeted an American ship. The Houthis had acted “in defense of the Palestinian people in Gaza, who are being exposed, until this moment, to the most horrific type of massacres by the Zionist entity,” Sarea said.
The U.S. and its allies issued a joint statement condemning the attacks, which included “attacks on vessels, including commercial vessels, using unmanned aerial vehicles, small boats, and missiles, including the first use of anti-ship ballistic missiles against such vessels.” In mid-November, the Houthis seized a cargo ship and its crew — the British-owned, Japanese-operated Galaxy Leader — and are still holding them. While damaging to the ships, the attacks have not sunk vessels or resulted in any casualties. As a result of these attacks, many shipping companies have stopped using the Red Sea-Suez route and opted to send ships around the southern tip of Africa, a voyage that adds ten days in each direction, slowing trade and raising prices globally.
The Houthis say they will only relent when Israel allows the entry of food and medicine into Gaza. By targeting the global supply chain in its attacks, they could be aiming to economically pressure Israel’s allies to cease its bombardment of Gaza. Primarily backed by Iran, the Houthis have received weapons and technology from the nation as part of Iran’s “Axis of Resistance” — the informal anti-Israeli and anti-Western political and military coalition led by the Iranian government. Iran’s involvement in the conflict has only furthered concerns that the Israel-Gaza war will escalate into a devastating broader regional conflict.
Allied Response & Future of Yemen
The U.S. is leading the counter-initiative, with partners including the United Kingdom, Bahrain, Canada, France, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Seychelles and Spain. So far, strikes from U.S. and British attack planes and warships have killed five and wounded six Houthi fighters and attacked airfields, command hubs, and weapon storage facilities. Although airstrikes have not deterred the group’s attacks on Red Sea shipping, President Biden affirmed that the U.S. will continue to carry out strikes. “Are they stopping the Houthis? No,” Biden said. “Are they going to continue? Yes.”
Critics of this response have stated that allied actions against Houthi fighters are disproportionate and will harm access to humanitarian aid — crucial given that over three-quarters of Yemen’s population was considered in need of critical aid last year as it faces one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Human rights organizations and other regional experts have warned that Biden’s redesignation of the Houthis as a specially designated global terrorist organization will complicate the work of humanitarian organizations working in Houthi-controlled Northern Yemen. This rationale prompted the Biden administration to remove the organization from Washington’s list of foreign terrorist organizations in 2021 to enable more humanitarian aid. Moreover, there is also criticism that the retaliatory strikes are too extreme and will do more harm to the people of Yemen while failing to curb further Houthi attacks in the Red Sea.
Without humanitarian aid — even with restricted aid — the future of Yemen looks grim. As the country struggles with extreme starvation, displacement and economic crisis, any deviation of aid has a massive human cost. A Houthi spokesperson affirmed that the group’s redesignation will not affect group operations, especially in the Red Sea, pledging unequivocal support for the Palestinian people. Afrah Nasser, a researcher from the Arab Center Washington DC, stated that the U.S. designation could “contribute to radicalizing some parts of the population and strengthen the Houthi recruitment system,” which would mean further destabilization for the population. The U.S.’s reclassification could also subject Iran to more sanctions — adding to already heavy sanctions — as it opens the opportunity for sanctions for any countries or groups that support the Houthis. Still, it is unclear if further sanctions against Iran will be a U.S. strategy and if it would be an effective path to negotiating broader regional peace.