December Issue
By Elian Jorand
November
“We have been fighting for this day for the last 20 years: to end this war and attack of foreigners on us and bring our own Islamic government,” declared Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid on Aug. 17, 2021 at Kabul International Airport. The chaotic American withdrawal of Afghanistan signaled the end of an era, and the beginning of a new reality. For the first time in 20 years, the Taliban had seized complete power. One question was on everyone’s mind: what would a second Taliban regime resemble? Would it be one of traditional Islamist rule such as in the 1990s or did 20 years of guerrilla warfare impose a more pragmatic vision of power upon the Taliban? Two years later, the answer is clear: not much has changed.
One of the most contentious issues surrounding the Taliban's return is the status of women's rights. International observers anticipated a rollback of progress made over the past two decades since the American invasion. They were right. Reports from NGOs suggest that restrictions on women's attire, mobility, and participation in public life closely mirror the policies implemented during the Taliban's previous rule in the 1990s. A U.N. expert stated that “the situation of women and girls’ rights in Afghanistan has reverted to that of the pre-2002 era when the Taliban last controlled the country, effectively erasing progress on women’s rights in the intervening 20 years.” The persistence of discriminatory practices clearly demonstrate the lack of change.
This sex-based discrimination has a severe impact on education. Despite assurances from the Taliban leadership about allowing education for all, on-the-ground reports indicate a persistent lack of access to education for girls. Instances of girls being denied education or facing restrictions in certain regions echo the practices seen during the Taliban's earlier rule. The Taliban have implemented over 20 written and verbal decrees restricting girls’ education, on the ‘basis’ of sharia law. This again shows the initial promises of change that the Taliban boasted about to be untrue.
In addition to imposing severe restrictions on girls' education, the Taliban has also exploited foreign aid intended for education. The Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (Sigar) revealed that the Taliban have taken control of $185 million in U.S. aid earmarked for education. In a country already grappling with poverty, famine, and drought, the Taliban's rule has instituted gender-based apartheid, leading to the departure of 81,000 female teachers out of a total of 226,000 educators. To counteract the educational setback, Afghan and international NGOs, with support from rural communities, have established parallel education systems with foreign funding, including community schools and distance learning programs. However, the Taliban has targeted these initiatives, imposing taxes on teachers' salaries, forcing NGOs to purchase from Taliban-affiliated stores, and diverting school materials for personal gain. The Taliban's exploitation of aid extends beyond education, with reports of forced hiring and the creation of sham NGOs to siphon international assistance. This alarming trend raises concerns about the diversion of funds meant for humanitarian purposes, impacting the already dire situation in Afghanistan.
The resurgence of the Taliban has also brought questions regarding their engagement with neighboring countries and international actors. Recent reports reveal that China is discreetly pressing the Taliban to safeguard Chinese interests and investments in Afghanistan, particularly by preventing the country from becoming a refuge for Uighur Muslims critical of the Chinese government. Beijing's lobbying efforts are seen as part of a calculated strategy to secure international recognition for the Taliban-led government. China hosted the third ministerial conference of Afghanistan's neighbouring countries, emphasizing its increasing involvement in Afghan affairs. Diplomatic meetings, including those with Russia and the U.S., have seen China advocate for the inclusion of Afghanistan in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and call for an end to sanctions on the Taliban. This diplomatic maneuvering raises questions about the Taliban's compliance and its potential impact on the broader geopolitical landscape. This marks a departure in the Taliban’s previous strategy of total isolationism seen in the 1990s – presently, they are willing and even eager to interact with certain states.
In conclusion, the Taliban's return to power in 2021 mirrors a troubling lack of change from their previous rule in the 1990s. Despite initial hopes that two decades of conflict might have tempered their approach, the reality is starkly different. The status of women's rights, a litmus test for societal progress, has regressed to pre-2001 conditions. The persistent denial of education to girls and the exploitation of foreign aid further illustrate the Taliban's unchanged stance. The group's actions not only undermine the well-being of Afghan citizens but also raise international concerns about their compliance and engagement with the global community. The parallel development of China discreetly pressing the Taliban to protect its interests adds another layer to the complexity of their governance. In this second iteration of Taliban rule, the evident lack of change highlights a disconcerting continuity that demands attention from the global community.