By Arian Akrami
September
The sheer joy that usually accompanies the World Cup approach has been tainted this year. Qatar, the next World Cup site, continues to raise human rights concerns. Evidence of labor exploitation and poor working conditions in unbearable heat has led to accusations of modern slavery. These tensions have been ever-present since the controversial decision by the International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA) in 2010 to award Russia and Qatar the 2018 and 2022 World Cups, among corruption allegations.
According to Amnesty International, around 2 million migrant workers (mainly from Africa and Asia) have been employed to construct roads, metros and eight remarkable stadiums. More will be hired for the security, hospitality and transport industries during the event itself.
Labor importation is understandable given Qatar’s meager population of 2.8 million and the world’s 5th highest GDP per capita ($84,510 according to the International Monetary Fund). The lack of pre-existing stadiums and infrastructure in a nation that has almost no significant sporting history or need for public transport further justifies the necessity for foreign workers.
However, the issue comes with the “Kafala” or “sponsorship” system, which binds foreign workers to a local sponsor, or “Kafeel,” which is often their employer. A similar system is employed by all Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as well as by Jordan and Lebanon.
At face value, this does not appear to pose any particular problems, and it is essential to note that some of the issues within the Kafala system in Qatar have seen improvements during the last two years, the efficacy of which will be later examined. But these organizations cleverly fall into the category of interior ministries as opposed to labor ministries, meaning that labor laws cease to apply to migrant workers. Consequently, laborers lack the right to join unions or freely enter the labor dispute process. While these sponsors provide “housing,” it is more akin to overcrowded dormitories, posing a particular risk during the pandemic.
Furthermore, workers require the explicit permission of their sponsor to leave their job, or even the country, since the “Kafeel” reserves the right to invalidate residency status without reason. Not adhering to these terms spells potential imprisonment or deportation. Employers regularly confiscate passports, visas and phones to enforce this. Such terms are often stipulated in contracts written in languages the migrants do not speak.
Qatari employment is also rife with “debt traps.” This means that recruitment fees, which host countries require from sponsors, are handed down to workers who, before recruitment, cannot afford the fees. As a result, they are obliged to take out loans which indebt them to their Kafeel.
According to the Guardian, there have been 6,750 migrant deaths in the 12 years since Qatar was awarded the right to host the World Cup. Many of those deaths are traced to subjecting workers to continual labor for up to ten hours a day in summer temperatures of 113 degrees Fahrenheit (45 degrees Celsius) or more.
Could the World Cup be perceived as a force for good in the Middle East, a region that has never hosted the tournament? U.S. Soccer spokesman Neil Buethe argues that “Qatar has made more progress with respect to human rights in the last four years than it has in the last four decades because it is hosting the World Cup.” While, to some extent, this is true, the lives of so many innocent workers are not a justifiable means to the ends of fundamental labor rights. Kuwait and Qatar have gone as far as imprisoning female workers under “Zina” laws (an Islamic legal term referring to unlawful sexual intercourse) concerned with extra-marital sex, even in the case of rape.
Why do migrant workers accept this work? Simply put, the pay is higher than in their country of origin. According to the World Bank, remittance payments help combat poverty in lower-income nations. While some countries like Kenya and Indonesia have prevented workers from emigrating to GCC nations. This can often have an adverse effect since workers with no alternatives will seek human smuggling gangs as a means of achieving what they perceive to be superior employment opportunities in the Middle East.
Qatar has managed to implement some reform following global condemnation. Last spring, new regulations were adopted that banned work outdoors between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. from June to mid-September. In August 2020, Qatar revoked the rule requiring employers’ consent to switch jobs and implemented a monthly minimum wage of 1000 Qatari riyals ($274). However, many workers still experience delays, harassment, threats, imprisonment and even deportation during the job-switching process. A Qatari government spokesperson claimed that the reforms had “transformed” the labor market, contributing to over 78,000 successful job transfers in the final quarter of 2020. The delays were supposedly due to the sudden high volume of transfer requests.
More recently, the BBC reported that on Aug. 14, 2022, 60 workers protested, reportedly having not been paid for seven months. An unconfirmed number of protestors were instantaneously detained and deported. The Qatari government confirmed this event, which insists that they had been detained for “breaching public security laws.”
Concerns about discrimination are not limited to the workers. Homosexuality remains illegal in Qatar, incurring up to three years in prison, and a possibility of the death penalty for Muslims under Sharia law, although there are no known cases of the application of the latter. The Qatari government does not recognize same-sex marriage nor permit campaigning for LGBTQ+ rights.
On Dec. 8, 2020, Qatar announced that rainbow flags would be allowed in stadiums at the 2022 World Cup in line with FIFA regulations. The World Cup Chief Executive Nasser Al-Khater stated, “when it comes to the rainbow flags in the stadiums, FIFA have their own guidelines, they have their rules and regulations, whatever they may be, we will respect them.” Nevertheless, in May 2022, some hotels on FIFA’s official list of recommended accommodations forbade room reservations for homosexual couples. Others agreed to host homosexual couples if they agreed to hide their relationship publicly. FIFA has since pledged to remind Qatar of its obligations to ensure a tolerant welcome to all fans. In an interview in Germany on May 20, 2022, the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, stated that the LGBTQ+ visitors would be welcomed to the 2022 World Cup but that they need to respect the nation’s culture.
Foreseeable issues such as these put into perspective the ignorance of FIFA to award the 2018 and 2022 World Cups to Russia and Qatar, respectively. Perhaps it is time for the Middle East to finally host the World Cup; however, this would have been better suited to a nation with at least some of the infrastructure necessary for an event of such scale. FIFA also missed a golden opportunity to transform the region for the better by holding Qatar to stringent human rights standards. Spectators should not carry guilt for this iteration of the World Cup. They have a right to enjoy the world’s greatest sporting spectacle. However, FIFA bears a responsibility to have sufficient foresight in matters of ethical conduct when awarding such a monumental event.